مولانا محمد یوسف بنوری
۱۹۲۷ء کا زمانہ تھا، میں اس وقت ندوہ میں پڑھتا تھا، درس کے دوران اور بحث و تحقیق کے سلسلہ میں مولانا انور شاہ صاحب کشمیریؒ کا تذکرہ ہوتا تھا، ہمارے استاد مولانا حیدر حسن خاں صاحب شاہ صاحب سے بخوبی واقف تھے، اُن کی مجلس میں شاہ صاحب مرحوم کی وسعت علم، بے نظیر حافظہ، ندرتِ فکر، اور دقت نظر کا ذکر آتا تھا، شاہ صاحب کے بعض شاگرد بھی کبھی کبھی آجاتے اور اپنے استاد کے علم و کمال کا والہانہ ذکر کرتے، گرمیوں کی چھٹی میں مولانا سیدطلحہ پروفیسر اورینٹل کالج لاہور لکھنؤ آتے، مولانا حیدر حسن خاں صاحب مرحوم اُن کے شفیق استاد تھے، ٹونک اُن کا وطن تھا، اس طرح تلمذ کے ساتھ وطن کی مشارکت بھی اُن کو ندوہ لاتی، اور بعض اوقات کئی کئی دن مولانا حیدر حسن خاں کے ہاں ان کا قیام رہتا، مولانا طلحہ کی عقیدت اور مولانا حیدر حسن خاں کی شفقت قابل دید ہوتی۔
مولانا سید طلحہ صاحب نے مولانا انور شاہ صاحبؒ کو قریب سے دیکھا تھا، اور ان کے حلقہ درس میں کئی بار بیٹھے تھے، اُن کی مخصوص صحبتوں میں بھی شریک ہوئے تھے، علوم اسلامیہ پر خود اُن کی اچھی نظر تھی، خصوصاً تفسیر حدیث، اور رجال کا بہت اچھا مطالعہ تھا، حافظہ بھی غضب کا پایا تھا، لیکن بایں ہمہ وہ شاہ صاحب سے بہت زیادہ متاثر تھے، اور ان کی وسعت نظر، حفظ و اتقان، مہارت علوم، اور مجہتدانہ صلاحیت کے بیحد معترف تھے، ان کا تذکرہ بڑے کیف و وجد کے ساتھ کرتے، کہا کرتے تھے، کہ اگر میں نے مولانا انور شاہ صاحب کو نہ دیکھا ہوتا، اور اُن کے حافظے کا ذاتی تجربہ نہ ہوتا، تو مجھے ان رواتیوں کو تسلیم کرنے میں تامل ہوتا جو کتابوں میں سلف کے حافظے کے بارے...
This informative article is a vital as well as analytical analyze of the several Sūrʼas translated as well as defined by Mūlvi Abdul Latīf around the facets of the guidelines connected with Translation as well as Tafsīr set by Mirza Ghulām Ahmad Qādyāni founder of Jamʽat-e-Āḥmadiya. Who offered a brand new principle connected with Tafsīr to verify the inappropriate beliefs as well as his views that are total contrary to the principles set by authentic former Muslim scholars. Many Qādyāni Mufasrīn implemented those principles within their books connected with Tafsīr. Most notable ended up being Mūlvi Abdul Latīf Bahāwalpūri who had written this Translation as well as Tafsīr of 5 Sūrʼas i. ESūrʼa Banī ʼisraeel, Sūrʼa Kahaf, Sūrʼa Yāseen, Sūrʼa Qiyāmah and Sūrʼa Dahar. He implemented the guidelines set by Mirza Ghulām Ahmad Qādyāni. Throughout his work he created a number of alterations not only with Translation but with Tafsīr too. This article is an eye bird review of the principles of the Translation as well as Tafsīr connected with Holy Qurʼan set by authentic former scholars.
Since its inception, Pakistan had been experiencing the dysfunctionalism of different types of political system. Despite emerging through a democratic process on the World map in 1947, under an inherited British system of governance, it could not sustain the rule of law. Lack of devoted political leadership and growing political and economic incompetence, under the patronage of non-political opportunists, had debarred the growth of a capable political system which caused for military-bureaucratic institutionalization in political process. The British political system of India Act 1935, martial-democratic system to General Ayub Khan’s basic democracy, parliamentary system of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Islamic-socialism and the presidentio-parlia-military system of General Zia-ul-Haq had been equally responsible for political decay in Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan had gone through the ever deadliest event of its dismemberment in 1971 but still, its leadership could not learn enough to practice the politics of devotion, cooperation and national self-esteem. Repeated martial-laws and ineffective democracies had hampered the political participation of the public in the political process and the performance of the political system. The accidental death of General Zia-ul-Haq in 1988 provided a chance for a democratic polity but, the politics of immaturity, revenge and corruption had broken the dreams of political stability in the country. The political system, working under 8th amendment of the constitution with extensive military involvement in poltical process, caused for distrust between the head of the state and the heads of governments. Consequently, none of the elected governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif could be able to complete their constitutional term from 1988-99. Military, as an organized and disciplined institution in the country, had not been ready to lose its political role and had taken the opportunity for takeover, provided by the elected leadership, in 1999. Thus, the sub-system involvement across the boundaries caused for another political decay. Generally, the politically desperated people of Pakistan discuss and criticize the political system and their leadership in everyday sittings but they have a little awareness of the basic political structures and their proper functional procedure. The present study, “Political development and decay in Pakistan: 1988-2008” is primarily, an attempt to examine the functional capabilities of the political systems, experienced during the period of study, in accordance with their structures. It also expects to provide sufficient knowledge for a common man to understand the political process for an effective political participation in general, and to encourage for further scholarly researches to evolve a viable political system in Pakistan, in particular.