Local farming is, indeed, the most important sector of agriculture through which farmers grow food. However, owing to their weak financial conditions, they are not able to get maximum benefits from their labours for most of the times. The case of Pakistani farmers, particularly in rural areas of KP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), is not different in this connection. They frequently resort to formal and informal sources of financing to accomplish their basic agricultural requirements: both crops and non-crops inclusive. However, all these sources advance financing facility on interest basis. Being typical Muslims, such agricultural credit is, therefore, avoided by these farmers and, as a result, they always endure on their financial grounds. In such situations, some substitute arrangements are recommended to reciprocate with their problems. This alternative is offered by Sharī‘ah through various commercial transactions – among which participatory based transaction i.e. Mushārakah is the most suitable and important one. In the present work, various models are proposed on the basis of such transaction to fulfill various agricultural requirements of farmers, living in rural areas of KP. In addition, such models are structured in the light of basic theory, available in the classical literature of Islamic law, in order to make them more Sharī‘ah based rather Sharī‘ah compliant. The proposed models are then, at the second stage, tested at ground level to strengthen further their viability for all stake holders. Findings show that all agricultural requirements, particularly heavy machinery and transport, can be realized through such models provided if they are applied in their true spirit. Moreover, content analysis and focused group technique of qualitative research have been used, as a research methodology, for the investigation of the issue in the present work.
People originating from the Indian sub-continent (South Asians) make up the largest ethnic minority group in Britain and suffer from higher rates of coronary heart disease (CIII)) and noninsulin- dependent diabetes mellitus (NIDDM) than the general population. The "classic" risk factors (other than diabetes and insulin resistance) do not explain these elevated rates. Insulin resistance is associated with central obesity, which is more prevalent amongst South Asians than Europeans and the most effective dietary means of preventing or reversing obesity is by reducing fat and energy intake. However it has been hypothesized that regional origins and religious differences within the South Asian community would result in differences in a) food related behaviours of selected South Asian groups b) the foods commonly consumed by the various South Asian groups and c) the nutrient composition of their traditional dishes, such that dietary intake of fat could be modified by use of selected traditional recipes and dishes. Any attempt to develop effective health promotion programmes would require a knowledge of these differences. In order to test these hypotheses two main studies were undertaken. Firstly, the traditional dishes most commonly consumed by members of five South Asian groups (Bangladeshi Muslims, Pakistani Muslims, Ismaili (East African Asians) Muslims, Punjabi Sikhs and Gujerati Hindus) were identified and their nutrient composition ascertained either by calculation from recipes for home-made dishes or by direct analysis in the case of purchased foods. Secondly, food related behaviour was examined in three Muslim groups (Bangladeshis, Pakistanis and Ismailis). Wide diversity was apparent in the food related behaviour of the three Muslim groups studied. Whilst first generation females were the main food preparers in all the Muslim groups, food purchasing was the responsibility of first generation males in the Bangladeshi and, to a lesser extent, the Pakistani groups. Religious food laws were strictly adhered to by the Bangladeshi and Pakistani communities, although there was an apparent weakening in religious influences over food amongst the second generation. Acculturation in eating patterns was seen across the Muslim groups. Whilst most change was observed in the meals of least importance (eg. breakfast), traditional eating habits persisted for the main meal of the day. The Ismaili group had the most westernised diet and appeared to be aware of healthy eating messages. In contrast the Bangladeshi community adhered to traditional foodways, though large generational differences were seen in the acculturation of food habits in the Bangladeshi and