جو اُجلا تن نہیں تو کیا میں اُجلا من تو رکھتا ہوں
میں تشنہ لب ہوں آنکھوں میں مگر ساون تو رکھتا ہوں
اگرچہ تیرگی ہی تیرگی ہے چار سُو میرے
میں ایسی تیرگی میں بھی دلِ روشن تو رکھتا ہوں
مرے دامن میں رنج و غم کی ہے اشکوں کی دولت ہے
مجھے مت جانیے مفلس کہ ایسا دھن تو رکھتا ہوں
میں بستا شہر میںہوں پھر بھی صحرا سے مجھے نسبت
نہیں میں قیس تو کیا ہے میں پاگل پن تو رکھتا ہوں
میں اُن کو دل میں رکھتا ہوں جو تائبؔ دور رہتے ہیں
اگرچہ بے ہنر ہوں پھر بھی اتنا فن تو رکھتا ہوں
The personality of Allama Iqbal is the integral part of the religious and national thinking of the Muslims of subcontinent, and for Pakistanis along with a religious thinker he is also the person who gave the idea of Pakistan. Because of this legacy Iqbal is considered as the founder of a school of thought in Pakistan's academic atmosphere. The magnitude of this position and importance is evident from the fact that the people of different intellectual backgrounds and ideologies have been seeking evidence from Iqbal in support of their arguments. So even the proponents of socialist ideology or the holders of the thought of negating the legal status of Hadeeth have tried to prove Iqbal as a torch bearer of their stance and saw their struggle as a continuation of his (Iqbal’s) thinking. But it is a general rule that a person, especially the one who is a prominent figure and there are a lot of themes that are present in his thoughts, cannot be judged on the basis of only some of his works. So declaring Iqbal as the negator of legal status of the Hadeeth because of some of his writings is not a fair academic activity. This paper would study the actual view of Iqbal about the legal status of Sunnah as well the place of Prophethood in his thoughts and try to figure out whether his stand in this regard is in accordance with the traditional concept o1r it is different and if it is different then how much is it different?
The nuclear politics of South Asia – in the context of the protracted India-Pakistan conflict – has become one of the most debated topic of contemporary international systems analysis. During the four decades long US-USSR Cold War rivalry, South Asia was an epicentre of great power politics. The standing of New Delhi and Islamabad and their hostile relationship proved centrally important in the wider context of extra-regional power between the United States and Soviet Union. The importance of both India and Pakistan in the Cold War resulted in the US active involvement in the region and placed eventually both India and Pakistan with the United States. The proliferation of overt nuclear weapons in South Asia further intensified the role of United States in the politics of nuclearized subcontinent. The opening of complex bilateral relations by President Bill Clinton and initiation of a global war on terror by President George W. Bush marked a new chapter in the history of subcontinent for both of the principal contestants of South Asia. Subsequently, the administrations of Obama and Trump continued the policy of bilateralism and generated a plan of de-hyphenation for New Delhi and Islamabad by establishing separate relations with India and Pakistan. The strategic consequences of the US bilateral policy intensified the American role in South Asia, moving India closer to the US, while critically re-examining and re-evluating the standing of Pakistan in the region simultaneously. Hence, the trilateral strategic relations between the United States, India, and Pakistan structured an American South Asian policy that proved ultimately to be perplexing. Indo-US and Pak-US complex relations have proven to be complex and, in past, reflect a dichotomy in American South Asian relations. Now, it is difficult to separate the American role from strategic competition of India and Pakistan. This dissertation is an effort to provide a scholarly dimension to the American South Asian engagement, which encompasses a complex and an extensive record of cooperative and estranged diplomatic interaction. Moreover, this study is an attempt to comprehend the triangular relationship of power between these. The theoretical conception of neorealism is applied to understand the South Asian nuclear arms race and its persistent growth in the presence of extra-regional powers. The interconnectedness of South Asian regional sub-system to greater international system carried the debate in this research which attempted to emphasize particularly the US engagement with India and Pakistan. In the end, the research endeavoured to craft a proposed the future scenarios of US South Asian engagement.