مرزا محمد عسکری
افسوس ہے کہ گزشتہ مہینہ اردو زبان کی صف میں دوممتاز جگہیں خالی ہوگئیں، اور مرزا محمد عسکری اور مولوی مہیش پرشاد ہم سے جدا ہوگئے، مرزا صاحب مرحوم قدیم مشرقی تہذیب کا نمونہ، لکھنو کی پرانی بزم ادب کی یادگار، اردو زبان و ادب کے صاحب ذوق و نکتہ سنج ادیب اور متعدد کتابوں کے مصنف و مترجم تھے، ان کی سب سے بڑی علمی یادگار بابو سکسینہ کی تاریخ ادبیات اردو کا ترجمہ ہے، اس میں انھوں نے اتنے اضافے کئے ہیں، اور اس کو اس طرح اردو کے قالب میں ڈھالا ہے کہ اس کی حیثیت تصنیف کی ہوگئی ہے، جس طرح جناب صفی اور آرزو پر لکھنو کی قدیم بزم شاعری کا خاتمہ ہوگیا، اسی طرح مرزا صاحب کی وفات سے اس دور کی بزم ادب کی آخری یادگار مٹ گئی اب وہ تہذیب ہی ختم ہوگئی، وہ سانچہ ہی بدل گیا جس میں تہذیب و شائستگی اور ذوقِ ادب کے یہ نمونے ڈھلتے تھے، اس لئے آئندہ ان کے پیدا ہونے کی امید نہیں اور ان کی جو جگہ بھی ہوگی، وہ خالی ہی رہے گی۔ (شاہ معین الدین ندوی، اکتوبر ۱۹۵۱ء)
The existing study sheds light on the Shariah principles as laid down by the holy Prophet to eliminate the contemporary scourge of extremism. In fact, this scourge has won international significance which does not belong to a specific society, class, language or place. It is found in different forms in different societies. It is imperative for the formation of rules to curtail and exterminate in the light of the teachings of the Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H.) which could accrue results having long-lasting impacts on religious affairs as Islamic Shariah emphasizes for broadmindedness to discourages its growth. Islamic Shariah has insisted upon avoiding every kind of extremism and fanaticism. It has further scared man from the effect of such extremism. To eliminate extremism, teachings of the Holy Quran and the Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H.) be made common which teach us respect of mankind and protection of life and property. The last sermon of the Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H.), which is the essence of the principles of his (P.B.U.H.) teachings, may be a foundation to provide guidelines for it. The following article is an attempt to streamline this address for the elimination of this scourge
The core objective of this study is to provide a detailed analysis of the voting behaviour in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with reference to 2008 general elections along with its comparison with 2002 and 2013 general elections. It focuses on the application of theory of party identification, issue voting, clientelism, religious voting and ethnic voting in the electoral politics of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Regarding the application of these theories, the study argues that party identification theory is applicable to limited extent (35.36%); issue voting (80.87%) and clientelism (73.01%) are applicable to a great extent; and religious voting (54.07%) and ethnic voting (52.2%) are applicable to some extent in the electoral politics of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The scope of the study is confined to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Data collection is based on both secondary and primary sources. The secondary data in the form of books and journals, cover the theoretical frameworks including party identification, issue voting, clientelism, religious voting and ethnic voting. The primary data in the form of questionnaire is the original contribution of this study which explores the extent of the application of the aforementioned theories of voting behaviour in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The research is based on the quantitative, analytical and comparative approaches. This research work is the answer to the main research question i.e. to determine the extent of application of theory of party identification, issue voting, clientelism, religious voting and ethnic voting? The study is based on a number of hypotheses. It has been hypothesized that issue voting and clientelism are relatively more important determinants while party identification, religious and ethnic voting are relatively less important determinants of voting behaviour in the electoral politics of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The quantitative data answers the research questions as well as tests the hypotheses related to the electoral politics of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The general elections of 2002, 2008 and 2013 have a unique significance in the electoral history of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, because all these elections introduced a major electoral change. For example in 2002 elections, religious parties stood victorious with a heavy xxiimandate. But, in 2008, a Pakhtun ethnic party succeeded in winning majority of the seats, thereby wiping out religious political parties from the political scene. Similarly, in 2013 elections a new political party emerged on the political arena of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. All these electoral changes are of great importance and need to be analysed.