جالب میں اور کوٹ لکھپت جیل
ڈاکٹر اسرار شاہ
لاہور میں دوست جالب میلے کا انعقاد کر رہے ہیں اور میں کاغذ اور قلم پکڑے اپنے ماضی میں کھو گیا دوستوں نے اصرار کیا کہ اسرار شاہ لکھو۔
میری دعا ہے کہ کوئی نیا ضیاء الحق پیدا نہ ہو اور مجھے عمرِ رفتہ میں لے جائے میںکالج سے نکلوں تو ایسی یونیورسٹی میں داخل ہو جائوں جہاں ڈاکٹر مبشر حسین ،میاں محمود علی قصوری رائو رشید،رضا کاظم ایڈووکیٹ چوہدری اعتزاز حسین ،جسٹس سعید حسن ،آئی اے رحمن ،پروفیسر امین مغل،چوہدری اصغر خادم ،رشید قریشی ،شعیب ہاشمی ،حمید اختر ،محمد علی ایکٹر اور حبیب جالبؔجیسے پروفیسر اور اساتذہ نظر بند ہوں نئی نسل نا واقف ہے کہ یہ تمام لوگ اپنی ذات میں ایک ادارہ تھے اور ان میں کچھ آج بھی حیات ہیں ۔
کوٹ لکھپت جیل بھی کیا جیل تھی ،جیل کے سپرنٹنڈنٹ نے جیل کی دیوار کے ساتھ شام کو واک کر نے کی اجازت دی ڈاکٹر مبشر صاحب جیل میں ’’ماں ‘‘کا کردارادا کر رہے تھے وہ جیل سے راشن لیتے اس کو پکواتے تمام لوگ چٹانوں پر بیٹھتے اور سب میں برابر تقسیم کرتے ۔صبح دس بجے سے لے کر دوپہرکے کھانے تک عبدا ﷲملک صاحب کے کمرے میں سٹڈی سرکل ہو تا اور آئی اے رحمن صاحب لیکچر دیتے اور تمام سر نگوں ہوتے ۔
حاجی رشید انور جن کا تعلق مزدور کسان پارٹی سے تھا کیا خوبصورت انسان تھے عمر کے اعتبار سے وہ میرے والد کی طرح تھے جسم میں سی آئی اے چونا منڈی کے تششدد کی دردیں موجود تھیں وہ صبح میرے جسم کو دباتے اور بچوں کی طرح پکارتے ہوئے اٹھاتے کہ ’’اسرار شاہ ‘‘اٹھ جائو سورج نکل آ یا...
This research is motivated by the large number of well-off families who still buy household furniture on credit in Artificial Village II. This makes researchers interested in researching further the reasons why families are able to still buy goods on credit. The problem studied is how cultural factors influence the purchase of household furniture on credit among well-off families and what is the opinion of Sharia Economics regarding rich families who use credit to buy furniture for their homes. Field research uses qualitative field methods The data required for this situation is the buyer (well-off family) and seller who completed the credit trade exchange in Artificial Village II. Observations, interviews and documentation were used to obtain data. Analysis of qualitative descriptive data from this research reveals that cultural factors are the main reason why people in Artificial Village II can buy household furniture on credit. Many people in Artificial Village II do not understand what cultural factors exist in society, so without realizing it, culture is the main cause of people buying goods on credit. Islam does not forbid this strategy of buying and selling on credit because it can make it easier for people to get the goods they need because they don't need to spend money for it. That the support and conditions framed by Islam should be adhered to in carrying out trade exchanges to ensure harmony between associations and arrangements without any pressure.
The nationalist feelings in Sindh existed long before the independence, during British rule. The Hur movement and movement of the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency for the restoration of separate provincial status were the evidence’s of Sindhi nationalist thinking. After the restoration of the provincial status of Sindh the politics of province dominated by the nationalist or provincial parties. The result of 1937 elections showed that country level parties such as All India Muslim League and Indian National Congress could not success to win the elections in Sindh. Even Muslim League did not achieve a single seat. After the guarantees of the provincial autonomy and sovereign status to the units in Lahore Resolution 1940, the politician of Sindh supported Pakistan with the hope that after the independence their identification as well as their legitimate rights would be protected. But unfortunately their hopes could not fulfill the requisites requirements of federalism such as grant of provincial autonomy to federating units, supremacy of constitution, democratic and participatory political system and independent judiciary. Unfortunately the parameters of the federation had been undermined by the civil and military bureaucracy of Pakistan since the day of its independence. Although the government of India Act 1935 was adopted as a first interim constitution of Pakistan but its federal part was not implemented upto 1956. All three constitutions of Pakistan lacked pre-requisites of a federation, making difficulties of the provinces to function in a proper manner under a settled formula to create a federal state. Nationalist feelings in Sindh upraised due to that flaws and also of the dominancy of the migrants in early years of independence. The feelings flourished as a result of unification of the four provinces of West Wing. During One Unit barrage lands were allotted to non Sindhis and large number of the people of Punjab and NWFP was settled in Sindh. After the separation of Bengal, the power was transferred to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. First time after the death of Quaidi-e-Azam a Sindhi speaking had succeeded to acquire the highest seat of the country. Bhutto government tried to compensate the Sindhis to involve them in government affairs. Due to such efforts the sense of alienation and deprivation of Sindhis was reduced. They felt Bhutto’s government as their own government. Therefore the affiliations and commitments of the people of Sindh were diverted temporarily towards the federation. The situation of Sindh changed when elected government of Bhutto was toppled down by General Zia through the military coup. It was big shock for the people of Sindh because during Bhutto''s era Sindhis has found an opportunity to enter in the power structure. After ousting of Bhutto, a large number of Sindhis were terminated or suspended from their services. This situation accentuated the nationalist feelings. The case of the execution of Z. A. Bhutto increased sense of deprivation when four Punjabi judges of Supreme Court supported death sentence of Bhutto and three non Punjabis judges opposed it. Bhutto was executed, it was a big tragedy for the people of the Sindh. The people of Sindh launched a movement against the regime Zia regime on MRD’s platform to restore democracy in Pakistan. Military government used all means to crush the democratic movement. Even Zia junta killed the number of the people and used air force. MRD movement actually was the first big threat to Zia regime but it was tackled with iron hands and subdued completely. If the people of Punjab had participated in the movement it would have become difficult for Zia to stay in power. Marginal participation of the Punjab in the MRD movement also increased the political gap in Punjab and Sindh. The study of the Zia period shows that Zia patronized the ethno nationalist organizations in Sindh such as Muhajir Quomi Movement. He established the relations with G. M. Sayed; as well, who was against the existence of Pakistan. The formation of Sindhi Baluch Pashtoon Front also the part of Zia''s strategy. Of ‘Divided and rule policy’ which created the unending political enmity among the people of country. The policy of Zia government had also decreased the political sense when non party elections held in 1985. As a result the bradary, regional and religious thinking flourished and candidates got the support of the voters not on the ground of their political affiliations but on bradary, regionnal and religious basis. The quasi democratic government formulated after the elections of 1985 and Mohammad Khan Junejo became Prime Minister. Martial Law was lifted in December 1985 but in Sindh a military General was continued as a Governor of Province. It created many questions in the minds of the people. The authoritarian thinking of Zia even could not bear his hand picked Prime Minister Junejo and he dissolved his government and assemblies. This action of Zia increased the hatred thinking among the people of Sindh against the army as a whole. The rule of Zia regime was not good for the integrity and unity of the country. In the enmity of PPP he established the relations with separatists. Those actions of regime went against the interests of federation. The federal forces downed at that time due to Zia''s interest in prolong his dictatorial rule and encouragement of secessionist and ethno nationalist organizations. At that time only PPP upheld the banner of federalism in Sindh.