المبحث الرابع: شعرها
حصلت الشاعرۃ علی فن الشعر منذ صغرھا، وخاصۃً من أجدادها لأمها، وحسن عسکري لہ الدور الکبیر في تربیۃ بروین شاکر وتھذیبھا من الناحیۃ الأدبیۃ کانت الشاعرۃ تحب ان تقرأ من الشعر أو ما شابہ ذلک من الجرائد والمجلات وکانت تحب ان تسمع القصائد والأغاني في الرادیو وکانت تحب ان تُردد خلف الأغاني والاشعار۔ وعندما وصلت مرحلۃ الثانویۃ تقابلت مع الشاعرۃ المعروفۃ عرفانہ عزیز، فقامت عرفانہ بتربیۃ بروین من الناحیۃ الأدبیۃ والشعریۃ وتھذیب ألفاظھا، ومنحتھا ببعض النصائح والإرشادات التي أفادتھا في مستقبلھا۔ وأول عمل شعري لبروین شاکر کان في 6 - سبتمبر وکانت قصیدتھا الأولیٰ المعنونۃ ب(صبحِ وطن) ۔ (صباح الوطن) وکانت حول 6- سبتمبر، ویقول الدکتور ناظم جعفري عن بروین بأنھا تربت وترعرعت تحت رعایۃ حسن عسکري[1].
تعرفت الشاعرۃ علی أحمد ندیم قاسمي عن طریق منتج رادیو پاکستان یاور مھدي ویقول أحمد ندیم قاسمي وصلتني رسالۃ من شاعر شاب عبیداﷲ علیم في 1971م وفیہ بعض أشعار لبروین شاکر ویقول ھذا الشاب عن بروین شاکر أنھا شابۃ بارعۃ ولھا قصائد رائعۃ، فیقول أحمد ندیم عندما وصتلني أشعارھا وبعد قراءتھا صححتُ بعض الأخطاء البسیطۃ ثم تم نشرها في 1971م[2]، وساعدھا الأستاذ القاسمي في المھارۃ الفنیۃ والشعریۃ وأعطاھا الکثیر من النصائح والإرشادات المھمۃ التي ساعدتھا في براعتھا وتھذیب لُغۃ الشعر وتطور أسالبیھا الشعریۃ۔
[1] الدکتور ناظم جعفري، خوشبو کی ہمسفر، ص78ـ79
[2] أحمد ندیم قاسمي، خوشبو کی ہمسفر، ص17۔
His research paper is meant to explain the difficulties of translation of rhetorical and implicit meanings of Qur᾽ān into Urdu language as the translation of such meanings of Qur᾽ān is seriously a difficult job for reasons including the tacit relationship of meanings with the words’ structure and because these meanings take effect of social and mental characteristics of a particular group of people speaking a common language and also for the reason that the meanings change their position with the incessantly changing condition of mind and culture. Given the above facts the writer put forth analysis of four Urdu translations of Sūrah Al-Ḍuḥā after having studied their rhetorical aspects and implicit meanings in interpretations of different interpreters. The translations are as under. 1. Translation of Shaykh Abdul Qādir (d. 1233 A. H) named as “Maudihul Qur᾽ān”. 2. Translation of Aḥmad Raḍa Khan Braylvi (d. 1340 A. H) named as “Kanz ul ᾽Īmān fi Tarjama Al-Qur᾽ān” 3. Translation of Ashraf ‘Alī Thānvi (d. 1362 AH) with the name “Bayān Al-Qur᾽ān”. 4. Translation of Abdul Mājid Daryā Abādī (d. 1977 A. D) which is in literary style with attractive language. The writer has highlighted the lapses and shortcomings of these translations in rhetorical perspectives of Qur᾽ān and its implicit meanings and has also underlined the difficulties faced by these translators in a descriptive table. Findings and suggestions are given at the end.
This study aims for a comprehensive analysis of political text and context to highlight the mechanism of political identity (re)construction and (re)presentation. Interactive digital media is used to share information, experiences, opinions, ideas, beliefs, ideologies. Social media platforms, such as Twitter (microblogging), are used by political actors for self-legitimization and for representation of political identities. It is acknowledged in this study that political identity is not a static construct rather it is a fluid entity as it is demonstrated in different forms by the political actors. A comprehensive theoretical framework that includes of political discourse analysis, socio-cognitive model of van Dijk, (van Dijk, 1989; 2006), social identity theory (Tajfel, 1979), clusivity theory (Wieczorek, 2009; 2013) and social media theory (Zappavigna, 2012) is used for this study. The data is in the form of tweets, which are downloaded from the functional verified Twitter accounts of Pakistani political parties. The Findings of this study suggest that political actors manipulate contemporary means of digital communication (interactive digital media), that is Twitter, for positive-representation of in-group members and negative-representation of others. These contemporary means of communication offer new platforms for political communication but shift in the paradigm of political campaigns and political communication (from conventional media to contemporary interactive digital media) does not demonstrate a change in the themes of political discourse practices as legitimizations of identities and ideologies remained central to discourse practices.