نواب اسمٰعیل خاں مرحوم
یہ سطور زیر تحریر تھیں کہ نواب اسمٰعیل خاں مرحوم کی وفات کی خبر ملی، مرحوم ایک بڑے باپ نواب اسحق خاں کے لڑکے اور ایک نامور دادا نواب مصطفے خاں شیفتہ کے پوتے اور خود بھی بہت سے اوصاف سے متصف، قدیم تہذیب و شرافت کا نمونہ تھے، قومی و ملکی سیاست سے بھی ان کو دلچسپی تھی، چنانچہ خلافت کی تحریک کے زمانہ میں وہ کانگریس کے ساتھ اور ہندوستان کی جنگ آزادی میں عملاً شریک رہے، مگر اس زمانہ میں بھی ان میں بڑی دینی و ملی حمیت تھی، غالباً اسی بناء پر پاکستان کے قیام کی تحریک کے بعد مسلم لیگ میں شامل ہوگئے، وہ اس کے مقتدر رہنما اور فطرۃً نہایت سنجیدہ متین اور باوقار تھے، اس لئے ہر زمانہ میں ان کی روش معتدل رہی اور وہ جس جماعت میں بھی رہے ان کی حیثیت امتیازی رہی اور ان کا خاص وزن و وقار رہا، گو وہ لیگ کے لیڈر تھے، مگر ہندوستان کی تقسیم کے بعد انھوں نے پاکستان کی راہ نہیں لی، بلکہ ہندوستان ہی میں رہ کر یہاں مسلمانوں کے درد دکھ میں شریک رہے، کچھ دونوں تک مسلم یونیورسٹی کے وائس چانسلر بھی رہے تھے، ان کی موت سے ہماری قدیم تہذیب و شرافت کی ایک باوقار یادگار مٹ گئی، اﷲ تعالیٰ اس خادم ملک و ملت کو اپنی رحمت و مغفرت سے نوازے۔
(شاہ معین الدین ندوی، جولائی ۱۹۵۸ء)
نواب محمد اسمٰعیل خاں مرحوم
( پروفیسر رشید احمد صدیقی)
نواب محمد اسمٰعیل خاں، نواب محمد اسحق خان کے بیٹے اور نواب مصطفےٰ خاں شیفتہ کے پوتے تھے، شیفتہ کو دیکھا نہیں، لیکن ان کی غیر معمولی ذہنی اور اخلاقی خوبیوں کا حال کتابوں میں پڑھا ہے، شیفتہ کی بڑائی میں کیا شک جب حالیؔ اس پر گواہی دیتے ہوں۔
نواب اسحق خاں...
There are rulings for both Muslims and non-Muslims in Islām whereby Muslims are bound to act and deal with the nonMuslims according to those teachings. There are numerous books authored in classical and modern times that include all such details of dealing with the different categories and of nonMuslims. It is therefore incumbent on Muslims to follow all such jurisprudential guidelines in all times and places. Although the application and employment methods of these legislations may vary in modern times but Islām has clearly stipulated its objectives and expectations that every Muslim pledges to fulfill in all times. In this paper, in stead of mentioning the jurisprudential details and discussions regarding building temples and religious places on non-Muslims in Muslim lands, only those verses of the Qur’ān and the Aḥādīth are mentioned that are basis for all such jurisprudential discussions. Numerous Qur’ānic verses and Prophetic traditions along with the consensus of companions and scholars are compiled in this paper to clarify the rightful stance in this regard.
Violent conflicts have perpetual and perennial impacts on societies. Ethnic and national Identities of the people are no exception to this. This research study reflects on the impacts of conflict and violence on ethnic and national identities. The scarce literature linking conflict and identities (ethnic and national) argues that conflict and violence „soften‟ or „harden‟ these identities. Moreover, the bulging literature on post 2001 conflict in Pukhtun region of Pakistan does not primarily focus on the impacts of this conflict on Pukhtun ethnic and national identities. Using constructivist theoretical position and the case study of Swat Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, this study addresses two research questions: what are the implications of conflict and violence in Swat for Pukhtun ethnic identity? And what are the consequences of the ongoing conflict for Pakistani national identity? Theoretically the study refutes the arguments in the literature that identity softens or hardens and argues that the impacts of conflict and violence on ethnic and national identities are complex and multi-dimensional. Methodologically, the study is based on an ethnographic field work comprising in-depth semi structured interviews, focus group discussions, ethnographic observations and field notes arranged from November 2016 to May 2017 in different administrative tehsils of Swat. This study proposes that during the conflict, performing aspects of ethnic identity i.e. cultural code (Pukhtunwali) was affected and transformed in multiple ways resulting in a perception that „ideal Pukhtunwali is dead.‟ Consequently, claims to ethnic identity contextually shift to ascribed aspects of Pukhtun identity i.e. language, land, tribal affiliations, and „birth in a Pukhtun home.‟ Likewise, the conflict adds to the complexity of Pukhtun ethnic identity by sharpening and straining intra-ethnic relations among the Pukhtuns. These diverse and multiple impacts can also be witnessed on different aspects of Pakistani national identity where it is neither lost nor reaffirmed. In this context, the study posits that there is a contest on the assumed unifying nature of Islam as a marker of Pakistani identity. Through the discourse of „pride and sacrifice‟, Pukhtuns own the nation state of Pakistan, yet on the other hand are critical of the state for not acknowledging and compensating the sacrifices of Pukhtuns in Swat. Similarly, Pakistani military is considered as an institution which significantly represents Pakistani national identity by Pukhtuns in Swat. The military‟s persuasive presence in Swat is in question. Celebrating national days like 23rd of March and 14th of August is another significant aspect of Pakistani national identity. Such impacts have significant repercussions for the state of Pakistan.