بھلانے میں جن کو زمانے لگے ہیں
وہی لوگ پھر یاد آنے لگے ہیں
سنبھلتا ہوا دیکھ کر پھر سے مجھ کو
حوادث کھڑے مسکرانے لگے ہیں
لگا بزم میں رہ گئے ہم اکیلے
کہا جب انھوں نے کہ جانے لگے ہیں
لگا ہاتھ سے ہے جو آنچل تمھارا
لگا ہاتھ جیسے خزانے لگے ہیں
خدایا! تو سن لے، اٹھے گی نہ ورنہ
جو ماتم کی صف ہم بچھانے لگے ہیں
ہمیں تو چلن، بد چلن زندگی کے
یہ سب سانپ سیڑھی کے دانے لگے ہیں
خدا دیکھ لے اب جو تو نے ہے کرنا
دعا سے بھی ہاتھ اب اٹھانے لگے ہیں
The Islamic scholars have identified several rules which deal with the reciting and reading of the Quran and touching/handling the al-Mushaf: the script of the Quran. One of the most important prerequisites, as viewed by the classical Sunni schools of Islamic law, is taharat, which includes both the physical cleanliness—by ablution (wudu) or complete body wash (ghusl) or both—and the purification of thought from allkinds of disbelief (shirk). By extending the rule of taharat, the mainstream Sunni jurists categorically forbid all non-Muslims from touching the Quran; although they are allowed to touch and read its translation as well as to listen to its recitation. This paper analyzes the views of the mainstream jurists and argues for reappraisal of several aspects of the said condition of taharat for both Muslims and non-Muslims, relying upon those jurists whose views are though different from the mainstream but are more practicable and closer to the objectives of the Islamic Sharia today.
Unless we compare we cannot identify? So for all those who propagate the theme of ''leave the army alone'' or ''stop army bashing'' in the name of patriotism I can only say that this will do no good to an institution whose identity is undergoing a change and which needs to be debated. After all here was an army that not very long ago, created maintained and executed proxies to try and achieve its strategic ends. If it is now growing up to realize the fruitlessness of this failed strategy and the harm that it has brought to the country than is it not a sign of change? For the army and its senior military leadership it will be no mean task to break away from the ideological and strategic frontiers that has taken it decades to build, consolidate and reside within. Drawing comparison between the army of the past and today will only help army to build on its resolve and ability to bring about a change in its character and functions; from an army accused of periodical political interference''s and running the governments to the army now ready to cede to the civilian control. The question that I investigate is ‘Will military cede to civilian control?’ The army may have finally realized that subordinating itself to the civilian control is actually the best method to both win public approval as well as safeguard its institutional interests. Subordination to civilian authority will not be easy if the officer corps especially the senior military officers don''t accept that, ‘civilians too can make mistakes’. If our military has learnt from its history than today it definitely has an opportunity to build on the good work it has done so far on the matter of civilian and democratic rehabilitation by distancing itself from the politics. In fact an important benchmark on the change in the future behavior of the army would be the difficulty to distinguish on important policy matters, the views of the army from those of the civilian rulers. On termination of General Musharaf’s military rule two important measures were taken by the civilian government; it appointed a President that belonged and was leading a ruling party; the separation of the post of Prime Minister and the Defence Minister. The presidency which in the past was military compliant when worn as a crown by the leadership of the party became an important stabilizing factor to combat all crisis situations. The separation of the post of Defence Minister ensured bringing in an intermediary only through whom the army chief now reported to the Prime Minister, to whom he previously reported directly. These were institutionalized methods of control exercised by the government unlike some other dreadful efforts like bringing ISI under the ministry of interior and imposing the Kerry Lugar conditioned formalities on the army. These actions by the government amply demonstrate how well planned as well as poorly conducted methods employed to control the military by the civilian government could be. These had far reaching strategic and political consequences for the country in the past and if managed poorly they will continue to adversely affect the nature of civil-military relationship in future as well. Institutionalization of control that the civilians may exercise over the military in Pakistan will stretch over a long duration. Both civilians as well as military leaders will have to understand the benefits of this process. Democracy is still in a state of infancy in Pakistan but it is the only system of government that can help Pakistan to combat the many problems it faces today. For democracy to consolidate in Pakistan the military must subordinate to the civilian authority. The Dissertation suggests the ways and means to achieve it.