شہید ابن شہید علی محمد ہنگورو
لیاری کی تنگ و تاریک گلیوں میں جنم لینے والا علی محمد ہنگورو بالمعروف ’’علی ہنگورو ‘‘نسل در نسل باوقار جد وجہد سے جام شہادت تک ثابت قدم ،شہید علی ہنگورو کے والد شہید یعقوب ایک مزدور لیڈر تھے ۔
وہ مچھی میانی میں مزدور کاز کا دفاع کرتے ہوئے اپنی جان کی بازی ہار گئے ۔باپ کی شہادت نے کم سن علی ہنگورو پر گہرے نقش چھوڑے غربت پروری اور وفاداری والد سے حصے میں ملی
شہید علی محمد ہنگورو کی زندگی مزدوری سے سندھ اسمبلی نشست تک ان تھک جدو جہد سے پُر ہے اپنی جد وجہد کا آغاز پیپلز اسٹوڈنٹس فیڈریشن اور بعد ازاں سندھ پیپلز یوتھ سے کیا ،وہ جد وجہد پر یقین رکھتا تھا ۔
اپنی اسی روشن خیالی کی بدولت سازشوں ،بہروپیوں اور بھٹو دشمن عناصر قوتوں کو کھٹکتا تھا ،اس نے اپنے وقت کے آمر جام صادق کو للکارا اور اسمبلی کے فلور پر نعرہ حق بلند کیا ۔
یا الہی کسی کم ظرف کو طاقت نہ ملے
کسی ظالم کو زمانے کی قیادت نہ ملے
فکر منفی کو کبھی علم و فراست نہ ملے
اور جب سازشیں حد سے بڑھیں زرداروں کا عمل دخل اور غریب ورکروں کے ساتھ زیادتیاں بڑھنے لگیں علی سید مظفر حسین شاہ کے دور میں آزاد سیٹ پر بیٹھ کر اپنی جدوجہد جاری رکھی ۔
1993ء میں جب میر مرتضی بھٹو کے وطن واپسی پر اعلان کے ساتھ علی شہید نے شہید بھٹو کمیٹی بنا کر میر مرتضی بھٹو کا استقبال کیا پھر نہ رات دیکھی نہ دن لیاری کا یہ کمانڈر استقبال تیاریوں میں مصروف ہو گیا وہ تاریخ...
Was divided into 72 firaq and my Ummat will be divided into 73 firaq. According the Muslim scholars, this figure contains interpretation and must be understood in broad based concepts of other ’Aḥādīth, teachings of Quran and objectives of Sharīʻah. For better understanding of underlying theme, the author has divided the article into four steps. First step dealt with the meanings of firaq and Ummah. In Second step, chain and text of ’Aḥādīth has been described. In Third step, opinion of scholars, Mujtahids have been quoted and in the end recommendations and suggestions are given.
Surviving the dot com boom successfully, the use of new Information and Communication Technologies by representative political organizations is on the rise. This study explores and explains the relationship between new ICTs and their use by Jama‟at-e-Islami of Pakistan – an “Islamist” party with an organized and rigid hierarchical structure. Though there is a significant amount of literature on the politics and history of the JI, it lacks a focus on JI‟s use of the new ICTs, internet here, for communication purposes. This study suggests that, ideally, internet is a level playing field for the JI. Due to the involvement of the JI in electoral politics of Pakistan, a target population with majority of youth and their interest and availability in the online spaces present ample opportunities for the JI to use these media for extending its sphere of influence. However, the study proposes that while using new ICTs for extending its sphere of influence online, the JI faces significant challenges. These challenges are twofold: first, ideological message attracting specific groups and people in the “pull” and “bonding” media of internet at the cost of finding new supporters; second, a clash between the strategic participation mechanism by the JI (supply side) and the one demanded by the young online public through internet technologies (demand side). The study is thus concerned with what direction the JI may take amidst its leadership struggling to steer it on their own terms against the decentralizing forces coupled by the changing nature of participation in politics through online technologies while at the same time extending its sphere of influence online. To answer this question, the study adopts a theoretical framework comprising a blend of „technological determinism‟ – a realist ontological position, and „social determinism‟ – a constructivist ontological approach, albeit, with a tilt towards the latter. The research takes a mixed method approach for collecting and analyzing the required data. It used Comparative Manifesto Project for codification and quantification of the online message of the JI. Further, to find a meaning into what happens when the JI faces demanded participation from the young citizens through internet, the study resorts to collecting and analyzing qualitative data through interviews of the website managers and leadership of the JI besides informal discussions with IJT students and members from the JI. The findings of the study reveal that the online articulations of the JI were more of a catch-all and post-Islamist (retreat from creating an Islamic state) nature. The study argues that these sorts of articulations help the JI traverse the “pull” and “bonding” nature of the internet. Nevertheless, the JI falls prey to the power of the decentralized technologies, for instance, in the case of its student wing‟s (IJT) former members who exert influence on the decision making in the JI through a virtual forum on Facebook. Thus in the context of new ICTs‟ use, the JI‟s positional elites are not the one to strategically determine either its public or organizational policy. Rather, „new elite‟ join them in steering the direction of the JI. Moreover, due to the importance of digital activism handed over to the „social media‟ team of the JI, I argue that it de-emphasizes the ideological zeal and traditional activism of the formal supporters of the JI. The study fills an important gap in the literature on the JI‟s history and politics in Pakistan. Further, the study claims that the theoretical approach adopted in this research can better explain the use of internet by parties concerned with their ideology and representative structures.