دھوکہ
اج میں تہانوں اپنی آپ بیتی سناناں واں میں میٹرک دا امتحان بڑے چنگے نمبراں نال پاس کیتا۔ میں ابے ہوراں کولوں داخلے لئی پیسے منگے تے اوہناں مینوں آکھیا ’’پتر‘‘ کل مینوں تنخواہ ملن والی اے میں تینوں کل داخلے جوگے پیسے دیواں گا۔ ایہہ گل سن کے میں بڑا خوش ہویا۔ پئی کل مینوں ابے ہوراں نے داخلے لئی فیس دینی اے۔ کیوں جے مینوں پڑھن دا بڑا شوق سی پر گھر دی مالی حالت کجھ بہتی چنگی نہیں سی۔ ابے ہوراں دی تنخواہ نال ا ی گھر دا خرچ ٹر رہیا سی۔ فیس ملن دی خشی وچ راتیں مینوں نیندر نہ آئی۔ رب رب کردیاں رات لنگھی تے سویرے ابے ہوراں وعدے موجب مینوں کالج وچ داخلہ لین لئی فیس دتی۔ فیس ملن دی مینوں ا ینی خوشی ہوئی جنی کسے بال نوں ضد کرن پچھوں پسند دا کھیڈونا ملن دی ہوندی اے۔ میں کالج جان دی تیاری اینی کاہلی نال کیتی کہ گھر دے جی میریاں پھرتیاں تے حیران سن۔
کالج جاندیاں ہویاں رستے وچ کجھ لوک کھڑے نظریں پئے۔ لوکائی دے اکٹھ وچ اک بندہ بانہواں اڈھ کے کہہ رہیا سی کہ میرے پتر دا ایکسیڈنٹ ہوگیا اے۔ دوا دارو لئی مینوں کچھ روپیاں دی لوڑ اے۔ پر اینے وڈے اکٹھ اگے ہاڑے پاون دے باوجود کوئی وی بندہ اوس دی مدد لئی تیار نہ ہویا، اوس دے رون ھاکے انداز نے میرے دل نوں موم وانگوں پگھلا دتا تے میں اپنی ات دی نرم طبیعت پاروں اوس دی مدد کرن لئی تیار ہوگیا تے اپنے داخلے دے پیسے اوس دی تلی اتے دھر دتے گھر پرتن سمے مینوں اوس دکھیار دی مدد کرکے ڈاہڈی خشی محسوس ہورہی سی تے میں پھل وانگوں ہولا ہوکے پینڈا چھیتی...
Muḥadithīn have played a dynamic role in the preservation and compilation of Ḥadīth of the Prophet (SAW). Among them the contribution of Imam Bukhārī is unavoidable and remarkable in the field of Ḥadīth and its sciences. Since, he is known “Hafiz and Compiler” and considered as “Imam” and “authority” in the field of both higher and lower criticism. His book "Al-Tārīkh al Kabīr" (08 volumes) is considered as one of the ancient books in field of Ḥadīth and its sciences. This paper aims to describe the methodology of Imam Bukhārī in Al-Tārīkh al Kabīr. He described the biography of thirteen thousand seven hundred and seventy nine only (13779) in alphabetic order. Although his methodology was to mention names of the narrators alphabetically, but in respect with the Prophet (SAW), he gave place to eleven narrators among the companion whom names were started with the names of “Muhammad”. In the Methodology of Imam Bukhārī (RA), it is found that either the narrators are rejected or given authenticity, on the basis of not only his own examinations but he relied on the sayings of other Muḥadithīn as well. It is also pertinent to mention that he awarded degree to a little number of the narrators while left over most of the narrators undecided, because the main objective of the book was to portray the biographies of the narrators rather to make analysis of all the narrators.
There is a growing intensity of educational inequality, as the credentials one holds plays an increasingly powerful role in determining one's life chances. While the socioeconomic backgrounds of students are considered crucial, very often schools are complicit in advantaging the already advantaged ones. The present study explores the nature and extent of educational inequalities existent in elite and non-elite schools in the context of Gilgit-Baltistan through critical ethnography and exploring the teachers', students' and parents' perceptions about the life chances of their students. Two research sites, an elite one referred as Research Site A (RSA) and a non-elite one referred as Research Site B (RSB) schools, were selected through purposive sampling, were studied for a period of 10 months. Carspecken's (1996) five non-linear stages of critical ethnography, incorporating periods of prolonged non-participant and participant observations, semi-structured individual and group interviews, and document review guided the data collection process. The theoretical framework of the study was developed drawing on the works of Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein and it guided the data analysis process. The study revealed some major inequalities between RSA and RSB in three different but interlinked and interdependent domains: context, processes and life chances. The study found inequalities in the endowment and possession of different forms of capitals, which are then lived in the day to day school practices and their production, and reproduction are facilitated by the schooling processes. The curriculum exposes students to a body and level of knowledge which appropriates their specific class positions in the society. The pedagogical processes promote, reward and reinforce the disposition of the upper middle class and distance the dispositions of the students coming from poorer families. The assessment system serves the purpose of continual learning in the case of RSB and the purpose of selection and exclusion in the case of RSA. The unequal socio-economic conditions and schooling processes are perceived to contribute to the unequal educational, occupational, civic and social life chances. The students of RSB are perceived to be more likely to complete their schooling, enter prestigious colleges/universities and choose professional fields for their further education, whereas the chances of school completion, getting into decent colleges and entering into professional fields for the students of RSA are seen as comparatively low. The students of RSB are believed to have a comparatively secure future in terms of their jobs and employability, whereas the students of RSA are believed