جب بھی درپیش مصیبت کی گھڑی ہوتی ہے
آپؐ کی ذات مرے ساتھ کھڑی ہوتی ہے
جب خیالوں میں مضافاتِ مدینہ آئیں
چشم کے صحن میں اشکوں کی جھڑی ہوتی ہے
تیرہ بختوں سے کہو سر کو جھکا کر دیکھو
روشنی آپؐ کے قدموں میں پڑی ہوتی ہے
ذکرِ احمدؐ ہی سے تسکین ملی ہے اُس دم
جب کبھی ذات مری مجھ سے لڑی ہوتی ہے
درسِ اُمید ملا شہؐ سے کچھ ایسے کہ سدا
اک کرن سینۂ ظلمت میں گڑی ہوتی ہے
آپؐ کی شان تو بڑھتی ہے مسلسل عابدؔ
جب بھی دُشمن نے کوئی بات گھڑی ہوتی ہے
Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, like many aristocratic Englishmen in the age of Empire in the late 19th century, took an interest in the Muslim populations of the colonies being governed by Britain. As a prolific writer and poet, his approach differs from his contemporaries in being, on the whole, genuinely sympathetic to Islam. In his book ‘The Future of Islam’ he shows how important the power of Islam in coming centuries is likely to be, and touches upon many important topics, such as the growing spread of Islam in the world and possible adjustments to the Caliphate. He would like to see the formation of a friendly association between Great Britain and the Muslims of the world in the political interests of Britain. Inevitably, many of his predictions and wishes did not materialize in the 20th century. Wilfred Scawen Blunt [1840-1922] was an English gentleman who followed the leisurely pursuits available to affluent members of Victorian society, i.e, travelling and poetry. His travels in the Middle East made a powerful impression on his intellectual and emotional sensibilities. As E.M. Forster wrote in his essay on Blunt, he ‘was drawn to Islam, and at one time thought of professing it.’1 He was, no doubt, in sympathy with the subjugated peoples of the Middle East and with the Indians of South Asia who were groaning under the colonial yoke. Further in the essay, Forster writes, ‘Egyptians found him too proTurkish and Indians too anti-British.’2 This attitude was unique for a stolid Englishman of the time of the ‘highnoon of Empire’. Blunt feared the advance of European powers in Oriental lands. Forster further writes: ‘His detachment is amazing. He dreaded a war because it must involve Asia and Africa, and complete the enslavement of the conservative Oriental nations, whom he loved and who loved him……
This study explored the role of female Madaris (Islamic seminaries) in women’s empowerment in Pakhtun Society. The key aim of the study was to examine whether Female Madaris empower women or perpetuate women subordination in Pakhtun Society. The study attempted to understand and highlight how madrassah stakeholders (Muhtamim) and female madrassah graduates think of women when it comes to equality between males and females or establishing an egalitarian social structure. The study was carried out in two districts (Nowshera and Peshawar) of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The study was conducted by employing Qualitative research methodology. The study’s respondents consisted of three groups (Muhtamims/teachers, students and students’ parents). Interview guide was used as tool of data collection. The relevant data was collected through in-depth interviews (both individual and group) and personal observations in field. With an insight from interpretivism/hermeneutics, the data was analyzed and presented thematically. The overall claim that the study makes is that female Madaris in study locale produce a cluster of females for perpetuating patriarchal structure of society under the garb of religiosity. The knowledge taught in female madaris is selected knowledge that is controlled and interpreted by men for their hegemonic interest. This teaching and interpretation of knowledge from men’s perspective and its internalization by female students has led them to false consciousness. The assertion that is made is that female Madaris strengthen patriarchy and male hegemony instead of empowering women. Thus, it is concluded that female Madaris of pakhtun society are reproducing the existing pakhtun patriarchal norms and structures. These institutions are received financial support from local and international 6 actors coupled with access to political power structure. The institutions work as camp offices for religious political parties and their rhizomization leads to the multiplication of their vote bank. These Madaris, in return, promise to keep intact the vested interest of the actor/donors implicitly.