صباح الدین عمر
افسوس ہے کہ اردو کے ایک عاشق و شیدائی جناب صباح الدین عمر کا انتقال ہوگیا، وہ لکھنؤ کی روایات کے بڑے دلدادہ اور اس کی تہذیب و ثقافت کا نمونہ تھے، وہ سرکاری ملازم تھے، یوپی کے محکمہ اطلاعات کے اردو ماہنامہ ’’نیادور‘‘ کے ایڈیٹر بھی رہے، اترپردیش اردو اکادمی کے قیام کے بعد اس کے سکریٹری ہوئے اور اس کا رسالہ اکادمی ان کی ادارت میں شائع ہوا، ریٹائرڈ ہونے کے بعد اردو اکادمی اور فخرالدین علی احمد میموریل کمیٹی کے برابر رکن رہے اور ان کو اپنے مشوروں اور تجربوں سے بڑا فائدہ پہنچایا، طبعاً شریف اور مخلص تھے، دوسروں کی مدد کرکے خوشی محسوس کرتے تھے، اﷲ تعالیٰ اردو کے اس عاشق و خادم کی مغفرت فرمائے، آمین!! (ضیاء الدین اصلاحی۔ دسمبر ۱۹۹۱ء)
In this article meaning of Taradif (synonymity) and identical meanings are treated from diverse aspects. Its implications in Arabic language have been particularly focused one. The article deals with different thoughts of lexicographers in this regard. There are some lexicographers who of the opinion that there does not exist any taraduf and different words are used for different meanings. For instance they do not believe that Saif(ÿ) and Sarim (rju>) have any Taraduf between them. In fact, according to them they are used for two different meanings and hence they do not give identical meanings. There is another group of lexicographers who are supporters of the existence of taraduf in Arabic language. In this regard they present the examples of existence of about 100 words for the meaning of "LION". Such as asad (J-I) Ghazanfar (>~ÿ) and daraghim etc. They also argue that denial of taradufcan lead to many linguistic problems. Such as how one can/would translate the phrase (v V) without need of rephrasing to the phrase of (v eiiV)
This study examines the political, economic and strategic dimensions of Pakistan’s engagement as a frontline state in the US-led ‘War on Terror’. Pakistan’s objectives in the ‘War on Terror’ seek to protect the country from an internal backlash from militants and extremists and from the external threat emanating from India. In line with these objectives, Pakistan seeks to retain a delicate ‘balancing act’ in its relations with United States and Afghan Taliban. This ‘balancing act’ involves extending significant counterterrorism assistance to the US-led coalition by combating Al-Qaeda operatives and anti-Pakistani state, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, while also ‘continue investing’ its political and financial capital in Afghan Taliban fighting the US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan. As a result, Pakistan is feeling the heat on both sides, with extremists and Taliban rebels have turned against the state for joining the USled coalition ‘War on Terror,’ while the US officials criticize Islamabad for declining to cooperate wholeheartedly. United States has repeatedly pressured Pakistan to fall in line with its objectives which seek to disrupt and dismantle Al-Qaeda network, stabilize ‘AfPak’ region, encircle China, purge the threat of the emergence of Nuclear Iran, and shore up the US political and military influence in Central Asia. Pakistan’s concerns, however, revolve around the emerging US-India nexus in South Asia, which Islamabad perceives is directed to minimize its influence in Afghanistan and the region and put its vital security interests at risk. In fact, the US ‘tilt’ toward India forced Pakistan to avoid complementing the US objectives fully. Islamabad, therefore, insists to recognize the benefits of partnering against combating terrorism which must be balanced against Pakistan’s security interests. In this regard, well-crafted US policies are needed to address Pakistan’s insecurities vis-à-vis India and Afghanistan, its economy and internal stability and acknowledge Pakistan’s growing relationship with China and Iran before the US can expect Pakistan to support its objectives in the ‘War on Terror’.