Trading in Influence: Modus Baru dalam Korupsi Indonesia Tahun 2022 dan Paradoks Kriminalisasi

This study evaluates the handling of corruption cases by the Prosecutor's Office, the Police and the Corruption Eradication Commission throughout 2022 and gives a fair grade (C) with a handling percentage of about 50% of the target of 2,772 cases. A comparative assessment of the last five years illustrates the dynamics of the handling of corruption cases. Quantitative charts highlight trends in enforcement, from the number of cases to potential losses to the state. Mapping corruption cases using the influence peddling mode involves identifying, analyzing, and summarizing patterns. Mapping steps include identification of cases, analysis of characteristics, creation of visual maps, integration of contextual factors, trend analysis, and recommendations. This mapping supports the understanding and formulation of strategies for dealing with corruption cases using the influence trading mode. In 2022, budget abuse dominates, followed by price gouging and fictitious activities. The high prevalence of these three methods indicates a lack of oversight in development and widespread corruption in the procurement of goods and services. Of the 579 cases, 43% involved the procurement of goods and services. Influence trading methods were also identified and used 19 times. The delegation of great authority to regional heads creates bargaining in the promotion and transfer of ASN. The case of buying and selling positions involving Regional Heads and ASN reflects the symbiosis between the two, with greed for power and ASN's desire to obtain immediate positions. The rise in this case is likened to an iceberg phenomenon, with the possibility that many cases have yet to be discovered.

Emerging Nexus Between Space Weaponization and Missile Shield: Impact on South Asian Strategic Stability

Nuclear-armed India and Pakistan outstanding territorial disputes have been haunting stability and peace in South Asia. Having fought three conventional wars and indulged in routine border skirmishes, the two sides after their overt nuclearization in 1998 have shown restraint and did not let border skirmishes, Kargil border conflict and acts of terrorism by the non-state actors to transform into major conflict or an allout war. India being the region’s core state with revisionist posture has an aim of becoming great power, for which it has been maximizing its military power. New Delhi’s hegemonic designs and increasing military capabilities pose existential threat to Pakistan. Therefore, Islamabad has been struggling to maintain the full spectrum deterrence capability. Indeed, the prevalent status-quo due to strategic equilibrium in the region doesn’t gel with Indian ambition of winning great power status and is thus, on a course to exploit its outer space expertise as a tool to shift the Balance of Power (BoP) in her own favor. The Indians capability of launching satellites through its state of the art Space Launch Vehicles (SLVs) and development of Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) are being manipulated not only for checkmating Pakistan’s missile based deterrence credibility, but also for achieving space control - hegemony or supremacy in space. Pakistan announced its Space Vision 2047 encompassing its developmental and national security needs in December 2017. Foregoing in view, Pakistan could be compelled to address a totally new kind of threat in the form of Indian probable space weaponization and thus might build its own counter space-control capabilities (space weapons) as a victim of yet another action- reaction syndrome. Ironically, there is no bi-lateral legal treaty that exists between the two, to address the arms race dilemma. India doesn’t want to be entangled at bi-lateral level and remains dismissive towards Pakistan’s peace building offers. The evolving threat has to be addressed at political and diplomatic levels so that to maintain peace and stability in South Asia.