This study deals with the factors which determined the nature of governance and politics in the Punjab during 1947 to 1955. It is a descriptive case study with qualitative data analysis by using historical comparative techniques. The theory of authoritarianism is applied to understand the rationale behind. The data reveal four major patterns in the politics of the Punjab. They are, first the performance of provincial ministries while tackling of major issues like refugee rehabilitation, the dealing with the evacuee property, elections, food shortage, Qadiani issue, constitution making. Second, the governor ministry relations, third, the Centre province power sharing, and fourth party and factional activities at provincial level. The Punjab was able to rehabilitate millions of refugees in its early years. After the evacuation of its main economic, administrative, and skilled non-Muslim force, it managed to restart successfully. Law and order was achieved slowly, but pattern client attitude of elite created hurdles to fortify it. Corruption and nepotism could not be eradicated. Acute contradiction between the ministry and the governor occurred twice, first between Premier Mamdot and Governor Mudie on the issues of rehabilitation, and administrative, and second between Chief Minister Noon and Governor Gurmani on the One Unit and elections of Constituent Assembly Pakistan.The Centre continued to take hold of powers while dealing the issues related to the Concurrent List of the constitution. All three ministries of Mamdot, Doltana, and Noon were dismissed by Central government. However, it was the provincial government which provided the excuse to Central government. The sense of insecurity among Central leadership from the Punjab was shared by the provincial leadership while dealing the issues related to constitution making. Consequently the Punjab cooperated to establish One Unit, and agreed to less than its due share. The provincial party Presidents infamously indulged in disputes with premiers, and tried to pressurize them. Poor decisions related to food shortage and Qadiani issue effected governments at both levels. The middle class leadership of the party was cleverly cornered by the landed elite when beneficial positions were divided, as happened in the case of Molvi Bari. The Punjab League remained the single potential political party during the early eight years. Jinnah Muslim League performed well, but its president Mamdot refused to take the risk, and party was separated from Awami League leaving it to be the only ‘Bengali’ party. The leadership, failed to distinguish between the role of worker in the struggle for independence and to serve as a ruler, consequently, poor performance was the outcome. To improve the performance and inculcate the democratic norms in both the leadership and public, political socialization should be improved through better education, improved political participation, and quality debate