The present study is a critical discourse analysis of ideological contents related to culture in Pakistan English language textbooks. It critically examines the following books: Punjab Textbook Board (henceforth PTB) English textbooks and Oxford University Press (henceforth OUP) English textbooks. These textbooks are taught in three different types of schools in the country. The PTB English textbooks are taught in the government Urdu- medium schools and private non-elite English-medium schools at the secondary level (i.e. 9th and 10th classes/grades), whereas the latter are taught at the same level (i.e. O level) in some of the elite English-medium schools in Pakistan. The research aims at finding out the cultural ideologies embedded within the textbooks. The research employs Fairclough’s (2003) analytical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth) CDA) to explore cultural themes. The analytical categories adapted for analysis of certain textual issues in this model are: ‘Social Events’, ‘Difference’, ‘Intertexuality’, ‘Assumptions’, ‘Representations of Social Events’ and ‘Styles’. Further analytical devices include Comparison, Presupposition/Assumption/Implicature, Contrast, Foregrounding, Implication, Inclusion, Metaphor, Identity, Representation, Attribution, Backgrounding, Exclusion, Difference, Prominence/Reinforcement, Dialogicality, and Universalization. The purpose of critically analyzing the discourse of English textbooks is, in fact, threefold: (a) To find out the implicit as well as explicit ideological messages related to culture, (b) To see if these ideologies are different in the textbooks of different schools; and (c) To see how far these ideologies impact upon the learners’ worldviews. The analysis shows that both the PTB and OUP English textbooks are replete with cultural ideologies. Moreover, they represent different cultural ideologies which are, therefore, likely to impart different worldviews to their young readers. In order to determine this aspect statistically, I constructed a questionnaire related to the major themes such as gender, jihad etc. The results show that the government and non-elite schools students (who read PTB textbooks) hold almost identical worldview; whereas their counterparts from the elite school (who read OUP books) hold different worldview regarding most of the themes mentioned above. The former ones are more religious, nationalistic, anti-Hindu, anti-Christians, anti-Israel, and closer to indigenous culture as compared to the latter ones. As compared to elite school students, they like male characters more than the females ones. However, so far as the desire for learning English is concerned, difference is little – mostly the students of all schools disagree with the abolition of English in the country. The findings of the present study can be useful in a number of ways. They can be useful in developing new curricula and teaching materials including textbooks with less nationalistic, religious and gender biases. They can also help the policy makers, textbook authors and ELT practitioners to realize the politics of language textbooks, and, thus, seek to establish an egalitarian and symmetrical educational system.
ڈاکٹر خواجہ عبدالحمید عرفانی اقبال شناسی میں اہم مقام و مرتبہ رکھتےہیں۔ ڈاکٹر عرفانی نے عالمی سطح پر اقبال شناسی کی روایت میں نام کمایا۔ اقبال کو ایران میں متعارف کرانے کا سہرا خواجہ عرفانی کے سر جاتا ہے۔ عرفانی صاحب کی ادبی خدمات بے پایاں ہیں مگر ہمیں یہاں صرف عبدالحمید عرفانی کی اقبال شناسی کا جائزہ لینا ہے۔ اقبال کو ایران میں متعارف کرانے کے لیے ’’رومی عصر‘‘ جیسی مدلل کتاب، پاکستان میں جنم لینے والی مشہور عشقیہ داستانوں کو ’’داستان پائے عشق پاکستان‘‘ کے نام سے ایرانیوں کے لیے ’’ضربِ کلیم‘‘ کا فارسی ترجمہ لکھنا اور عبدالحمید عرفانی کی بے پایاں محنت اور اقبال سے محبت کی غماز ہیں۔ خواجہ عبدالحمید عرفانی نے علامہ اقبال پر ’’اقبال ایرانیوں کی نظر میں‘‘ ،’’اقبالِ ایران‘‘ اور ’’پیامِ اقبال‘‘تین کتابیں لکھی ہیں۔ ’’اقبال ایرانیوں کی نظر میں ‘‘ میں یہ واضح کرنے کی کوشش کی گئی ہے کہ اقبال سے آشنا ہونے کے بعد اہلِ علم ایرانیوں کی اقبال کے بارے میں رائے اپنے بزرگ شعرا جیسی تھیاور وہ اقبال کو حافظ ،جامی ،سعدی اور رومی کی صف میں شمار کرنے لگے تھے۔ ’’اقبال ایران‘‘ میں ڈاکٹر عرفانی نے اپنے قیام ایران کے دوران اقبال کو ایران میں متعارف کرانے کی جدوجہد، ایرانیوں کی اقبال سے آشنائی اور ایرانیوں کی اقبال اور پاکستان سے محبت کا اظہار کرنے کا تذکرہ کیا ہے۔ ’’پیامِ اقبال‘‘ میں ڈاکٹر عرفانی نے طلبا کی سہولت کے لیے اقبال کے پیغام کا خلاصہ چند صفحات میں پیش کیا ہے۔ اقبال کو ایران میں متعارف کرانا کوئی آسان کام نہ تھا۔ اس دوران عرفانی صاحب کو بہت سی مشکلات در پیش آئیں۔ جن کا تذکرہ انھوں نے ’’اقبالِ ایران‘‘ میں کیا ہے۔ اسی لیے سب سے پہلے ’’اقبالِ ایران‘‘ پر ایک طائرانہ نظر ڈالی...
تناولت الدراسة أسلوب التحليل الاستراتيجي بأسلوب (SWOT) ومدى تأثيره فـي إدارة الأزمات والمتغيرات السريعة للبيئة داخلياً وخارجياً وبروزه كأداة لتشخيص الوضع الحالي وخيارات التأثير عـلى شكـل المستقبل، فـي ظل تباين وتعدد واستشراء الأزمات، تهدف الدراسة إلى التعريف بأسلوب التحليل (SWOT) وأهميته فـي تحليل الواقع واستشراف المستقبل وإتاحة الخيارات، تتلخص مشكـلة الدراسة فـي طرق استقراء البيئة فـي ظل وجود تطور فـي الأزمات، ويتضح ذلك بجلاء عند طول أمد الأزمات، ويتفرع مـنها ماهية أسلوب (SWOT) ودورة فـي استقراء الواقع وكيفـية الحد مـن الأزمات عبر التخطيط الاستراتيجي وماهية خيارات إدارة الأزمة. سلكت الدراسة المـنهج الوصفـي التحليلي الاستشرافـي. توصلت الدراسة لعدد مـن النتائج:: أن أسلوب (SWOT) يشخص البيئة الداخلية والخارجية ويستقرئ الفجوات ويقترح خيارات التعامل مع المستقبل، ويعد أسلوب (SWOT) ضروري لتفادي عنصر المـباغتة فـي إدارة الأزمات ووسيلة لتوضيح المتغيرات واستراتيجية لصنع القرار، يُعَدُّ أسلوب التحليل (SWOT) مـن أفضل أساليب التحليل التخطيط الاستراتيجي، لا سيما فـي إدارة الأزمات، لكونه يصوِّب الانحرافات ويعدِّد الخيارات فـي ظل ظروف عدم التأكد، وإن مـن أهم سمات التحليل (SWOT) توجيه الأنظار نحو ما تحتويه البيئة الداخلية والخارجية مـن فرص والتحديات ونقاط الضعف والقوة لتقويم العمل الإداري والفني بغية معالجتها والحد مـن آثارها.
The number of people killed or affected by firearms or light weapons each year is far greater than those killed by the atomic explosions in August 1945. Yet, in comparison to the weapons of mass destruction– which bear signature characteristics of indiscriminate mass annihilation and destruction - small arms and light weapons (SALW), or firearms have been viewed as less significant, less lethal and more manageable. This unfortunately is just one of the many myths that surround the destructive potential of these seemingly innocuous tools of violence and destruction. In case of Pakistan, the availability and continued proliferation of small arms, has not only made the country violence-prone but has also led to the violent framing of its politics. The acceptability of guninduced violence is becoming part of the political culture and more so than ever before, poses a direct and dangerous threat to the internal cohesion of the Pakistani state and society. Romancing the gun has been a salient feature of the Pakistani tribal culture for generations, where for centuries people have not only wore the gun as part of their dress code but have also taken pride in their ingenuity to manufacture weapons as a cottage industry. Across the country irrespective of ethnic or sectarian identity, the increase in licensed and unlicensed firearms ownership as well as indiscriminate usage and tolerance towards SALW has been manifold This study examines the role of SALW in the violent framing of Pakistani politics in the aftermath of the Soviet-Afghan war. It attempts to shed light on how small arms proliferation and use contributed to the rise in societal violence, perpetuated widespread insecurity and instability in the country and undermined the ability of Pakistani State to stem the rising tide of armed violence. It is not wrong to say that there is both a vertical as well as horizontal spread of weapons across the country which corresponds with the failing state of law and order and writ of government. The key questions to be addressed in this study are - what is the relationship between small arms and the sources of domestic insecurity and violence in Pakistan? Have SALW contributed to the fragility or failure of the state? Has the traditional culture of gun wearing and romancing with guns contributed to the increased violence in the country? What were the policy imperatives that motivated successive administrations in Pakistan to tolerate the emergence of illicit arms market? What is the negative fallout of these policies over the years, and why is the Pakistani state now feeling the impact of these weapons more than ever before? What more needs to be done, keeping in mind the increased international efforts at seeking a monumental arms trade treaty and other legislations to curb proliferation of small arms at both state and non- state level. Lastly, were the various remedial measures undertaken by the Pakistani state to redress domestic security concerns internally - motivated or these were acts undertaken to appease outside actors?