آہ! رشید احمدصدیقی
ابھی مولانا عبدالماجد دریابادی کی وفات کا غم تازہ ہی تھا کہ اردو زبان کے ایک اور صاحب کمال صاحب طرز اور صاحب فن ادیب اور انشاء پرداز یعنی یگانۂ روزگار، فخر مسلم یونیورسٹی علی گڑھ درمایۂ ناز فرزند شیراز ہند جناب رشید احمد صدیقی کی رحلت کی خبر ملی۔
دل سے لپٹ لپٹ کر غم بار بار رویا
وہ مڑیاہو ضلع جونپور کے رہنے والے تھے، علی گڑھ میں چھ سال تعلیم پائی، یہاں کے شعبۂ اردو کے صدر کی حیثیت سے سبکدوش ہوئے تو یہیں کے ہوکر رہ گئے، اس کی روایات کے رازداں، اس کی حمیت کے دیدباں، اس کی عزت کے نگہبان اور اس کی آبرو کے پاسبان بن کر ساری زندگی گزاری، وہ علی گڑھ مسلم یونیورسٹی کو ایک اہل دل مسلمان نقاش اور مصور کا شاہکار سمجھتے رہے، سیاحوں کو جو دل آویزی اور رعنائی اجنٹا اور ایلورا میں نظر آتی ہے، وہی ان کو گھر بیٹھے مسلم یونیورسٹی میں نظر آتی رہی، شاہجہاں مثمن برج میں بیٹھ کر تاج محل دیکھا کرتا، پھر اسی برج میں اس نے ایک چھوٹا سا شیشہ نصب کرا رکھا تھا، جس میں تاج محل کا پورا عکس پڑتا رہتا، رشید صاحب کے لئے علی گڑھ میں ان کا مکان ان کا مثمن برج تھا، جس کے اندورونی حصہ میں ایک خوبصورت لہلہاتا سبزہ زار تھا، اس کے بیرونی حصہ میں طرح طرح کے گلاب کے پودے لگے رہتے تھے، یہیں سے اپنے شیشہ دل میں اپنے ذہن کے تاج محل یعنی مسلم یونیورسٹی کو دیکھ کر خوش ہوتے رہتے، اب اسی تاج محل کے اندر مدفون ہیں، جس کی سرزمین نے ان کے جسدخاکی کو نہیں بلکہ مسلم یونیورسٹی کے نشاط روح، سوزسینہ اور دل بے قرار کو بڑے شوق سے اپنی آغوش میں لے لیا ہوگا، وہ جاچکے مگر اپنی...
Abstract The paper identifies major changes in educational policies in Pakistan after the incident of September 11. It hoards the facts on the attack of September 11(2001) that had no direct link with Pakistan, but has changed the spectrum of regional policies and shifted the traditional way of learning with west-led agenda on the name of international standards. The study indicates major changes and shifts in the education policies and national curriculum as well as amendments in legal framework and laws including 18th Constitutional Amendment of 2010 and Article-25A of the Constitution of Pakistan. The struggle for uniform education system by various political and military governments throughout the history of Pakistan since independence is also scooped and a comprehensive view is provided on major policy changes and its impacts on education system in Pakistan. The research is based on analysis of primary and secondary sources of information. It is a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods. Pakistan as a State still is in the list of developing countries and struggling with internal and external problems and their effects caused hurdles in the process of development and reforms in various sectors including education. Security remained one of the major subjects of focus for Pakistan for last many decades along with other administrative matters. The matters including economy, infrastructure development and strengthen democratic system in with democratic or dictator led governments whichever was the case of administration continued tackling with security and terrorism within the state as a top priority issue since 9/11. Pakistan’s investment on education sector remained poor in which resulted lagging behind of the country in all major development indicators. Education remained the core subject that bough up revolution in 21st century and hence has acquired greater importance around the world. After 18th Amendment, the duty of satisfactory spending on education consequently dwells with each province to have the capacity to satisfy Pakistan's national and international duties regarding education. The research encompassed efforts of Pakistan’s administration during various eras on national and international level to meet requirements of international standard education policies.
The study based on archival and library research has revealed that Punjab in Pakistan similar to the British times continued to have high importance in social, economic and political business of the state and society. Nearing and after partition Landed aristocracy had varied groups but focus of this research has been landed aristocracy including Iftikhar Hussain Mamdot and Mumtaz Daultana who turned Punjab into Jinnah’s cornerstone of Pakistan Movement. The important political transformation in Pakistani Punjab from 1947 to 1958 has been that landed aristocrats thus aligning with Jinnah and Muslim League in Punjab in opposition to British rulers, Unionist Party and the Congress were gradually maligned, sidelined, ousted or replaced by the non-Leaguer landed aristocrats like Mozaffar Ali Qizilbash or pro-Congress Dr. Khan Sahib through planned social, economic, intellectual and political engineering. The factors of engineering had been many but colonial inheritance where the British had still superior role and key positions to control the system and rapidly changing regimes at centre under the influence of Colonial or neo-Colonial plans through patronage politics manoeuvred factional conflicts which shifted power from companions of Jinnah to the British loyalists landed aristocracy and civil-military bureaucracy. The powers of Governor had already been diminished in the Provisional Constitution of Pakistan 1947 but British Governor Sir Francis Mudie having Colonial mindset acted beyond the Constitutional powers and had been striving to gain maximum powers (specially control over allotment of lands) by conveying drawbacks and alleged weaknesses of the ruling landed aristocracy in press and official correspondence with centre which paved way for Governor Rule in Punjab on 25 January 1949 by introducing engineered Section 92A in the Constitution. Observing concentration of maximum power in the hands of Governor and bureaucracy, landed aristocracy stood united temporarily as they had been sidelined through manipulated factional conflict by pitting one minister against the other. First ever elections in Punjab in 1951 were extensively rigged by using state machinery and campaign in official capacity by the Prime Minister and Ministers from Central government. The cases of alleged corruption established by Crown which caused defamation of landed aristocracy proved false and Mamdot and others were cleared of allegations by tribunals and the courts. The available evidences upheld that the task of rehabilitation was already assumed by the military in the end of August 1947 so inefficiencies conveyed by the Governor were attempted political engineering. Interference from centre and use of religious cards through engineered antiAhmadiya Movement initiated by Ahrars (opponents of Pakistan Movement) resulted into Daultana’s ouster from Premiership in Punjab. Thus Premiership was given to Firoz Khan Noon who had been striving for it since the Elections 1946 and Francis Mudie had also been manipulating and convincing the centre to bring him in power. His difference with centre upon the issue of election of members for Constituent Assembly from Punjab and formation of One Unit and his attempted invitation to Fatima Jinnah to become the President of Muslim League also resulted into his forced removal by giving Premiership to another landed aristocrat Abdul Hamid Dasti. Next short regime of Abdul Hamid Dasti was just a transitional phase to make arrangements for establishment of One Unit which also proved setback not only for landed aristocracy but for the Punjab at large because power shifted to non-Leaguers and old loyalists of the British. Ultimately imposition of martial law by Ayub Khan permanently banned Iftikhar Mamdot and Mumtaz Daultana from taking part in the politics and thus almost all landed aristocrat founders of Pakistan were ousted from power corridors by 1958.